Despite the National Tripartite Advisory Council (NTAC) having been unceremoniously abandoned by its labour sector representatives in March 2021, myriad sentiments regarding the critical benefits that would have accrued to the -society, had the institution been allowed to flourish, have been circulating in the public domain with notable frequency. It speaks volumes of the subliminal impact which its short five-year lifespan (2016-2021) has had on the psyche of the nation鈥檚 foremost leaders.
Most recent have been the utterances emanating from Minister of Labour, Small and Micro Enterprise Development Leroy Baptiste who, in his first major policy address at the 113th Session of the International Labour Organisation Conference in Geneva, Switzerland, earlier this month, is reported to have spoken of his Government鈥檚 intent to 鈥渞e-establish and revitalise the national tripartite body to improve our dialogue with labour bodies鈥, 鈥渢o rebuild the tripartite framework he once famously walked away from as a union leader…in protest of what they called insufficient union -input鈥. (T&T Guardian, June 11).
Given the labour leadership鈥檚 recalcitrant role in orchestrating the demise of NTAC, it must have taken a monumental degree of disingenuity on the part of Minister Baptiste to have stood before this esteemed international body and imply that Trinidad and Tobago鈥檚 vision of being among enlightened nations, where tripartism has been the engine of sustainable growth and development , had been made, by the previous administration, to have been an exercise in futility.
It just so happened that the very narcissism, which one had hoped was receding, appeared to have reared its ugly head in the labour representatives鈥 decision to have withdrawn en bloc and so end the life of this influential body: the very institution that answered their repeated calls to have been strategically embodied within the Government鈥檚 hierarchical decision-making mechanism.
The nation is poorer for their short-sightedness, especially it coinciding with NTAC鈥檚 unanimous acceptance of the same labour -representatives鈥 motion for legislation to be enacted to have the institution statutorily incorporated.
Key among critical items that had -already engaged NTAC鈥檚 attention were amendments to the very Industrial Relations Act and the Retrenchment and Severance Benefits Act unbelievably flagged for urgent attention by the minister who, by now, must have known of the labour sector鈥檚 -extensive work also already done on enhancement of T&T鈥檚 productivity and work ethic, and on NTAC鈥檚 recommendations for resolution of his own PSA鈥檚 long outstanding public sector negotiations. Had his colleagues stuck around to ensure their implementation, the trauma to which the nation鈥檚 public servants are still being subjected would long have been obviated.
Regrettably, no future for tripartism beckons, until the nation鈥檚 labour leaders commit to a mindset change: act in a manner inextricably indigenous to such a tripartite environment. While expected to present the views and opinions of their respective organisations, clearly, self-serving demands and stubborn partisanship are required to be subordinated to the common good. The overall welfare and well-being of the citizenry must supersede under all circumstances.
Any prospects for NTAC鈥檚 successful revitalisation will rest upon the labour representatives鈥 adherence to these principles. The same applies to their membership on State boards. Labour leaders know they cannot continue to act otherwise: pick up their marbles and leave once they do not have their way. They did so on three occasions at NTAC. They must be patriotic enough to stay the course, be true to the democratic decision-making process.
When, regrettably, they withdrew en bloc in 2021, they had abandoned a fair amount of critical unfinished business鈥攆or example, determination of the status of domestic workers under the IRA, discussions on the work-from-home policy, considering inputs into the national budget and preparing the position paper for enactment of legislation to become that integral statutory component of the governance decision-making mechanism. Deliberations were planned on the issues of 鈥渋ncome inequality鈥, 鈥渞etrenchment and its socio-economic impact on the society鈥 and 鈥渂ureaucracy and its impact on business competitiveness in Trinidad and Tobago鈥.
NTAC had already established its Corporate Governance Functional Framework, adopted a code of conduct, and had just been named a Cabinet Sub-Committee.
Moreover, the labour legislation reform agenda had reached a critical inflection point, preceded by a period of meticulous, time-consuming multi–sectoral consultations in which each of the labour unions鈥 representatives had discharged significant leadership and advisory roles and responsibilities. Their continued involvement would have served to maintain the momentum and accelerate the progress -toward parliamentary debate and legislative enactment.
Any initiative 鈥渢o re-establish鈥 NTAC must take into account these precedents, the multifaceted opportunities accorded labour leaders to participate in the Cabinet (2016-2021) decision-making process, a historical breakthrough as active participants: 鈥渄rivers of economic growth, social well-being, and national development鈥 which Minister Baptiste must have known of but disingenuously promised at the ILO Conference.
Was he ill-advised?
鈥擱oy Mitchell is a former special adviser and co-ordinator, National Tripartite Advisory Council (NTAC).